Human trafficking is the exploitation of people for the use of labor, services or commercial sex. Trafficking varies in different regions of the world, with different vulnerabilities and risk factors that differ based on a number of factors. Thousands of people, most often minors or young adults, are trafficked throughout the United States every year and face a unique set of problems that relate to the black market of ‘sex for sale.’ Human trafficking is not an entirely ‘secret’ issue, in fact most people in the US are aware that it happens in their state and have some recollection of the magnitude of the crisis. With so much data on the topic from documentaries, news stories and nation-wide organizations spreading awareness, we wonder why this underground industry continues to spread and thrive across the country. Through private interviews, surveys, and data collection, I was able to use my field research to determine that there are numerous misconceptions about human trafficking. Inaccurate data, social media trends, Hollywood films and mass fear create a false narrative about the actual risks of trafficking that parents and children should be aware of. Rather than knowing the root causes and predispositions that make children vulnerable to trafficking, we are looking for what television or social media says to be looking for. My study uses qualitative research to gather a unique type of data to understand what traffickers are looking for so that we can collectively keep each other safe from a growing industry that thrives on ignorance and vulnerabilities. By gathering information from those working with survivors and ideas believed by parents living in the US, I am able to determine what misconceptions are most often spread and compare to true data about the crisis in the US.

While abortion is a vital reproductive right, its absence is not the only threat to bodily autonomy. This thesis utilizes a reproductive justice lens to showcase how religion and politics have contributed to centering a ‘choice’ binary that limits a more nuanced understanding of reproductive freedom. This has led to the dominance of the abortion narrative, which overshadows discussions on other forms of reproductive healthcare. Religion and politics have also cultivated a pro-birth – rather than pro-life – approach to women’s reproductive health. This is particularly true in Oklahoma, where no previous research has been conducted on women’s broader reproductive healthcare experiences – consequently, this research turns to women and amplifies their voices to better understand the current state of reproductive healthcare. Participant survey responses were analyzed in the areas of contraception, abortion, prenatal care, and postnatal care. A t-test shows that there is not a statistically significant difference in care quality between birth and non-birth categories. However, the analysis of variance (ANOVA) test results do reveal that prenatal care in Oklahoma is rated much more highly than other forms of reproductive healthcare, and with much less variation than ratings in other categories. Additional findings reveal that more pain management is needed during intrauterine device (IUD) insertion, that finances are a major barrier to all forms of reproductive healthcare, and that sterilization is much more difficult to obtain than any other form of contraception. The study concludes that the experiences of respondents are reflective of a pro-birth approach to reproduction and motherhood. Findings from this research broaden existing scholarship on reproductive health and justice by contributing new knowledge that is relevant to women inside and outside of Oklahoma. The study recommends that additional research should be conducted to improve women’s reproductive healthcare in Oklahoma and beyond, particularly in a post-Roe world.

With a prison population that has grown to 1.4 million, an imprisonment rate of 419 per 100,000 U.S. residents, and a recidivism rate of 52.2% for males and 36.4% for females, the United States is facing a crisis. Currently, no sufficient measures have been taken by the United States to reduce recidivism. Attempts have been made, but they ultimately failed. Recently, however, there has been an increase in experimentation with the concept of teaching inmates basic computer skills to reduce recidivism. As labor becomes increasingly digitized, it becomes more difficult for inmates who spent a certain period away from technology to adapt and find employment. At the bare minimum, anybody entering the workforce must know how to use a computer and other technological appliances, even in the lowest-paid positions. By incorporating basic computer skills and coding educational programs within prisons, this issue can be addressed, since inmates would be better equipped to take on a more technologically advanced labor market.<br/>Additionally, thoroughly preparing inmates for employment is a necessity because it has been proven to reduce recidivism. Prisons typically have some work programs; however, these programs are typically outdated and prepare inmates for fields that may represent a difficult employment market moving forward. On the other hand, preparing inmates for tech-related fields of work is proving to be successful in the early stages of experimentation. A reason for this success is the growing demand. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, employment in computer and information technology occupations is projected to grow 11 percent between 2019 and 2029. This is noteworthy considering the national average for growth of all other jobs is only 4 percent. It also warrants the exploration of educating coders because software developers, in particular, have an expected growth rate of 22 percent between 2019 and 2029. <br/>Despite the security risks of giving inmates access to computers, the implementation of basic computer skills and coding in prisons should be explored further. Programs that give inmates access to a computing education already exist. The only issue with these programs is their scarcity. However, this is to no fault of their own, considering the complex nature and costs of running such a program. Accordingly, this leaves the opportunity for public universities to get involved. Public universities serve as perfect hosts because they are fully capable of leveraging the resources already available to them. Arizona State University, in particular, is a more than ideal candidate to spearhead such a program and serve as a model for other public universities to follow. Arizona State University (ASU) is already educating inmates in local Arizona prisons on subjects such as math and English through their PEP (Prison Education Programming) program.<br/>This thesis will focus on Arizona specifically and why this would benefit the state. It will also explain why Arizona State University is the perfect candidate to spearhead this kind of program. Additionally, it will also discuss why recidivism is detrimental and the reasons why formerly incarcerated individuals re-offend. Furthermore, it will also explore the current measures being taken in Arizona and their limitations. Finally, it will provide evidence for why programs like these tend to succeed and serve as a proposal to Arizona State University to create its own program using the provided framework in this thesis.

The goal of this paper is to add to our knowledge on women’s political efficacy and learn new ways to motivate and encourage women to be more active in politics. This study will answer the question: What types of encouragement cause women to have a higher level of political efficacy? This study uses a 2x2 between-subjects survey experiment to address this question. The forms of encouragement (treatments) include two images and two statements making up our four treatment groups. It is expected for women to have a greater sense of political efficacy when
presented with a statement about how women have been very active in politics compared to a statement describing that many women do not run or are uninterested in politics, regardless of the image shown. The findings suggest that the pairs in which information is presented to men and women affects them differently, in which women were more influenced by a completely different pair of stimulus and encouragement than men.

This study aims to evaluate and explore whether a positive correlation exists between female leadership and corporate social responsibility, as well as its subsequent reasoning, while specifically focusing on female leaders within the upper management (i.e. board of directors and CEOs) of S&P 500 firms. Since several studies identify a positive relationship between female leadership and corporate social responsibility, our case study of IBM and PepsiCo aims to provide a real-life framework to these theoretical models. Ultimately, our case study does align with the findings of those models, yet also provides a unique perspective as to the reasoning for the difference in CSR outcomes, citing business strategy as opposed to altruism and other-orientation. Due to our limited sample size, our findings do not empirically support this notion, but instead offers a potential area for further research.

This study aims to evaluate and explore whether a positive correlation exists between female leadership and corporate social responsibility, as well as its subsequent reasoning, while specifically focusing on female leaders within the upper management (i.e. board of directors and CEOs) of S&P 500 firms. Since several studies identify a positive relationship between female leadership and corporate social responsibility, our case study of IBM and PepsiCo aims to provide a real-life framework to these theoretical models. Ultimately, our case study does align with the findings of those models, yet also provides a unique perspective as to the reasoning for the difference in CSR outcomes, citing business strategy as opposed to altruism and other-orientation. Due to our limited sample size, our findings do not empirically support this notion, but instead offers a potential area for further research.

The overall purpose of this project was to examine a democratic transition and the factors that lead to a transition by looking at a specific country case. The Malaysian 2018 General Election saw the Barisan Nasional (BN) political party, which had been in power since the nation’s independence, lose to the opposition party, Pakatan Harapan (PH), in a shocking turn of events. When looking at this particular case, it was important to first establish what the most common factors are, that exist in democratic transitions. By applying these factors to the Malaysian case, it allowed for a deeper understanding of whether or not this democratic transition would take root quickly or instead take several years. Along with connecting these academically studied factors to Malaysia, it was also critical at examining the major events unique to the country that helped contribute to the BN’s loss. When examining this case in particular, what became evident was that the election results and overall transition had already been building up for several years.

The implementation of gender quotas in the Costa Rican legislature presents an interesting case study that with the use of national legislative gender quotas, women’s issues are more positively addressed within the country. This analysis argues that with the higher presence of women legislators in the Legislative Assembly made possible by the quota these women. in turn, have created more gender-focused policies. Thusly, higher amounts of female-focused policy will positively impact women’s issue areas within Costa Rican society. This argument will be supported by other scholar’s research on the subject of the gender quota and female equality in Costa Rica. I will also be presenting my own research that will investigate the data taken from the Costa Rican health ministry, UNICEF, and other organizations to comparatively evaluate the improvement of problems that women face coinciding with the higher female presence in the legislature.