It has been 30 years since research has tried to determine how adults decide if an infant is male or female (Seavey et al., 1975; Sidorowicz & Lunney, 1980), with research at that time indicating that participants tended to label infants as male. The purpose of this study is to investigate whether adults today can identify infant gender above chance, and what tools adults use to assign gender labels to babies. I hypothesize that females, social science majors, students who frequently interact with children, and students who are very confident will all assign gender labels more accurately than their counterparts. I showed a video to University students featuring five sets of parents playing with their infants. The video featuring three male and two female babies was edited to remove any gender identifying information. Students were asked to guess whether each of the infants was male or female, and to explain how they came to that conclusion. One sample t-tests revealed that students overall were able to correctly identify infant gender significantly more than what would be expected due to chance for 4 out of 5 infants. The results did not support my hypothesis that social science majors or people who frequently interact with children are better at assigning gender labels. This study did find a significant correlation between confidence and accuracy. When asked to explain how participants assigned infant gender labels, I found a significant correlation between infant physical movement and correct students labeling the infant as male. There was also a significant relationship between parental voice being and participants labeling infants as female whether the infant was actually female or not. Unlike research from the late 1970's and early 1980's, college students today can accurately assign gender labels to infants. This suggests that either the conceptualization of gender in the U.S. culture has changed enough since previous research over 3 decades ago, that there is something about parent-baby play that helps people correctly identify infant gender, or both.

Intimate couple relationships are integral to the lives of most adults, and a typical stepping-stone in beginning a family. Thus, it is imperative to understand personal and interpersonal factors associated with healthy, long-lasting relationships (e.g., relationship satisfaction). One factor that may promote healthy relationships is mindfulness. Mindfulness has been linked to positive physical and psychological outcomes (see Kabat-Zinn, Lipworth, & Burney; Carmody & Baer, 2008), but has been minimally studied in the context of couple relationships. Research has also identified the corrosive effect of hostile communication cues on relationships (Gottman, 1994). The current study examined associations between mindfulness, corrosive communication cues, and relationship satisfaction in the context of cohabiting couples using actor-partner interdependence models (APIM; Kenny, Kashy, and Cook, 2006). Self-report questionnaires assessed five aspects of mindfulness: observing, describing, awareness, non-judgment of inner experience, and non-reactivity to inner experience. Women's non-judgment of inner experience, one of five mindfulness facets, was positively associated with the women's own relationship satisfaction. Other facets of mindfulness were not significantly associated with relationship variables. These findings and considerations for future research are discussed.

This study utilized ecological theory and social exchange theory to examine how father involvement effects the human capital accumulation of young mothers. This study used data from a sub-sample of young mothers taken from the Healthy Families Arizona longitudinal evaluation (N = 84). The participants in the sub-sample were between 13 and 21 years of age. Using a random effects regression model, it was found that father involvement negatively affects a young mother's school attendance over time. The probability of a mother attending school when the father is involved decreases by 12%. It was also found that for the average age mother (19 years of age), the probability of attending school decreases by 59% every additional year. Furthermore, for a mother with an average number of children (one child), every additional child she has decreases the probability of attending school by 24%. In addition it was found that for the average age mother (19 years of age) every additional year, the likelihood of being employed increases 2.9 times, and for a mother with an average number of children (one child) every additional child decreases the likelihood of employment by .88 times.