Since the late-19th century, academic researchers, nonprofits, and law enforcement have organized in coalition to combat the problem of human trafficking in the United States, while distorting the social consequences of their interventions. This dissertation is an ethnographic and historical examination of the anti-trafficking movement in Arizona. In addition to conducting archival research, data was collected through direct observations of academics, local nonprofit leaders, and law enforcement at anti-trafficking events that were open to the public. By examining vast, invisible anti-trafficking coalitions in Arizona from the 20th century to today, it becomes clear that coalitions garner power and profit by facilitating the criminalization of sex workers and offering support for other groups, most notably Mormon polygamists, whose religious practices can be tantamount to trafficking. Combining Charles Mills’ (2007) concept of white ignorance and the nonprofit industrial complex (INCITE!, 2009), this study draws on literature from critical race theory and feminist theory to interrogate how Christo-fascist discourses of the 19th century white slavery movement continue to guide anti-trafficking coalitions in the contemporary United States. As a social formation in which bourgeois white women have always held influence, this exploration of anti-trafficking activism pivots around political, economic, and cultural conceptions of white Christian women’s capacity to reproduce the white race in the United States which has been since its foundation a Christian nation. In turn, there is limited scope and depth of awareness about the complexity of race, gender, class, agency, in relation to the problems associated with trafficking in Short Creek, Arizona, as well as the interventions that were implemented in response to human trafficking following the reign of Fundamentalist Latter-Day Saints’ Prophet, Warren Jeffs. In documenting and analyzing the organizing strategies of professional actors responding to human trafficking between 2016-2021, results generated from this research suggest that the anti-trafficking movement’s discourses are steeped in contradiction, to the effect of reproducing racial capitalism and necessitating the eradication of the trafficking framework. It reveals how the differential treatment of agency among trafficking victims in different communities, whether the women and children in polygamous families, or sex workers in Phoenix, has enabled their ongoing exploitation.

ABSTRACT This research analyzes the testimonies of eleven women survivors of state terrorism and genocide from several different regions of the world in an effort to glean the patterns that emerge from their lived experiences. Women often have been targeted and used instrumentally in political violence by states. Yet, when it comes to nation-building, national narratives and identities, their voices are excluded. Data were collected from archival interviews with women survivors and one case-study interview conducted with a survivor recruited for this study, as a cross-check backdrop to compare similarities and differences in contexts and experiences. Four dominant themes appear to emerge across interviews: gendered violence; internalization/reproduction of gender roles; identity relationship to national narrative; and perception of perpetrators. The case-study participant interview revealed disconfirming evidence across themes, suggesting that sense of belonging may be an important facet of national identity which needs further exploration. Relationships between women’s experiences of state terror, genocide, national narrative construction, and nation-building are examined. Suggestions for future research include the need for expanded survivor demographic information, increased in-person interviews, and similar work centered on women perpetrators of state terror and genocide, as well as men’s experiences of state terror and genocide. Keywords: state terrorism; genocide; women; gender; nation-building; social hierarchy

Despite the changing social, legal, and political context in influencing the definition of mental disability, medical scholarship has maintained its position as the primary reference to interpret mental disability in the immigration system. This preliminary study examines the role of medical scholarship in attributing to the exclusion of undesired immigrants through its definition of mental disability. This paper focuses upon immigration cases to determine the patterns that emerge when immigration intersects with mental disability. The data consists of four immigration court cases in 1951-1985, 1986-2005, 2006-2015, which mark the shift of immigration policy in the United States of America (US). The court documents are collected from websites that provide online access to these documents. The examination of the cases focuses on three important criterions: a summary of cases, mental disability circumstances, and judges’ considerations. This paper uses the analysis of political deviance in courtroom settings to get an understanding of the shift in the definition of mental disability in the immigration court by tracing economic, political, and social environments that are intertwined and relevant in creating a ‘mental disabilitiy’ definition. This study suggests that medical scholarship has historically become powerful in shaping mental disability as a form of social control. From historical and case analysis, there have been changes in policies and processes toward immigrants appear to take place in the aftermath of major events—World War II, AIDS epidemic, 9/11 terrorist attack, and now Covid-19 pandemic. Preliminary examination of documented cases suggests future analysis could look at how these major events shape immigration processes and policies that more heavily rely on definitions of mental illness and use competency to stand trial proceedings to indefinitely detain people.

I will demonstrate through analysis that the effectiveness of music in social movements relies in large part on two unique elements: authenticity and collective action. I will then argue that these elements are antithetic to the actual conditions of music production as the 21st century progresses in America. While this paper does not explore the possible effectiveness of movements without music, I emphasize the well documented ((Futrell, et. al. (2006), (Roy, 2010), (Dyck, 2017)) link between music and social movements, and conclude that this relationship between music and social movements is in danger.

Since 1998 and as recently as November 2018, 165 Tibetans have burned themselves alive in public protest, both inside Tibet and in exile. This study foregrounds Tibetan refugees’ interpretations of the self-immolation protests and examines how the exile community has socially, politically, and emotionally interrogated and assimilated this resistance movement. Based upon eleven months of ethnographic field research and 150 hours of formal interviews with different groups of Tibetan refugees in northern India, including: freedom activists, former political prisoners, members of the exile parliament, teachers of Tibetan Buddhism, families of self-immolators, and survivors of self-immolation, this project asks: What does activism look like in a time of martyrdom? What are the practices of solidarity with the dead? How does a refugee community that has been in exile for over three generations make sense of a wave of death occurring in a homeland most cannot access? Does the tactic of self-immolation challenge Tibetan held conceptions of resistance and the conceived relationship between politics, religion and nation? These questions are examined with attention to the sociopolitical expectations and vulnerabilities that the refugee community face. This study thus analyzes what it means to mourn those one never knew, and examines the fractious connections between resistance, solidarity, trauma, representation, political exigency, and community cohesion. By examining the uncomfortable affect around self-immolation, its memorialization and representation, the author argues that self-immolation is a relational act that creates and ushers forth witnesses. As such, one must analyze the obligations of witnessing, the barriers to witnessing, and the expectations of solidarity. This project offers the theory of exigent solidarity, whereby solidarity is understood as a contested space, borne of expectation, pressure, and responsibility, with its expression complex and its execution seemingly impossible. It calls for attention to the affective labor of solidarity in a time of ongoing martyrdom, and demonstrates that in the need to maintain solidarity and social cohesion, a sense of mutual-becoming occurs whereby the community is reconciled uneasily into a shared fate.

From 1962-1968, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was the target of an FBI surveillance campaign, led by then-director, J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI claimed that this campaign was necessary, to expose the communist influence within the civil rights movement, but this was a lie. I argue that, instead, the purpose of the surveillance was so that the Bureau could attempt to ruin Dr. King's reputation by collecting incriminating evidence about his personal life. I believe that the Bureau embarked on this campaign against Dr. King in order to maintain the United States' white supremacist racial hierarchy by neutralizing a prominent black activist. Further, I believe that today, there is the potential for the FBI to take. In order to argue this, I analyze different aspects of the Bureau's campaign against Dr. King. First, I discuss Hoover's fascination with and hatred of Dr. King. Throughout the six years this thesis focuses on, Hoover repeatedly took actions against King that went far beyond what was necessary or appropriate for an anti-Communism campaign. I argue that this is because Hoover's true goal was to damage King's reputation as much as possible, not discover if he was a communist. Second, I examine the Bureau's surveillance of Stanley Levison, one of King's closest aides. Levison was, for a time, a suspected communist. This gave the Bureau's campaign some initial legitimacy, and eventually led to the Bureau's official spy campaign against Dr. King. Next, I analyze the FBI's use of technological surveillance methods against King. The Bureau's patterns of microphone and wiretap use in their campaign against King further suggest that the intent of such actions was merely to gather information to injure King's reputation with the public. Fourth, I discuss the Bureau's use of informants to keep tabs on King's actions and plan. More specifically, I discuss Ernest Columbus Withers, a black photographer who served as an FBI informant. Finally, I argue that there is potential for the FBI to take similar actions against today's black activists. To make this point, I analyze the wording of an FBI memo made public last year. In this memo, the FBI warns of a domestic terror threat known as "Black Identity Extremists." I argue that the FBI's definition of these extremists is purposely vague, and could feasibly be applied to any black activist. Because of this, I believe there is potential for modern activists to be subjected to the same kind of harassment Dr. King endured in the 1960's. Those who cannot remember the past are doomed to repeat it, and this thesis serves as a reminder that there are forces who would stifle the First Amendment to maintain the status quo.

The life of Jean-Michel Basquiat is often misinterpreted in artistic discourse. From a social justice perspective, Basquiat's work is not merely art. Despite the symbolism and subject matter open for analysis, Basquiat articulated the self in relation to nuances of race, socio-economy, and historical scripts based upon real relations and conditions. Of the genre of Neo-Expressionism without a disciplined schooling in art, Jean-Michel is categorized as 'primitive' in style and form, labeled the "first black artist." Beyond the art world's possessive confines and according to post-colonial aesthetics, Jean-Michel articulates the existence of a learning self. With a pedagogical lens, a process of becoming an "artist" deepened Basquiat's expressions of self in relation to a “white” art world, which typically restricted the artist to specific categories and definitional parameters.

While recognition of the "artist" highlights the limitations of 'public' and 'self' in pedagogy, learning of the self through Neo-Expressionism is contingent upon articulating a situated existence among particular "publics," with regard to time and place. Variable dimensions of recognition create a fragmented self with transitional 'stages' and a series of acute shifts re-establish the definitional boundaries of art, definers, and ultimately the self and “Other”. These shifts continuously create new margins of the avant-garde and the self is redefined by art and discourse to sustain capital inflow, thereby replicating the colonial nature of capitalism with regard to communication, material and discovery, and “Other”. The process eschews a realized finality while expression as a relational communication of the situated persona redefines one's identity and demarcates a value of the self.

Injection drug use can result in a variety of negative health complications, many of which are caused or exacerbated through reuse and/or sharing of used injection equipment such as syringes, cookers, cottons, etc. The purpose of this thesis is to review the impact of the lack of resources such as needle exchange programs (NEPs) and general access to syringes on intravenous drug users in Maricopa County. This review is placed within the larger context to contrast with increased access to sterile syringes in major cities of the United States where there have been policies implemented aiming at harm reduction models of community outreach such as NEPs. To supplement this policy analysis, I conducted seven interviews and analyzed interview data to provide personal insights from the perspectives of users. I also surveyed nine current injection drug users, asking them questions about their use of syringes. Increasing awareness of the perspectives of injection drug users and the harms associated with intravenous drug use, especially when drug users are unable to access sterile, new syringes will help to facilitate increased access to harm reduction resources and reduce stigma.

Through a brief analysis of punishment theory as well as the history of punishment in the United States, this work will focus on the current state of the punishment system that is characterized by a recent era of mass incarceration. The policies of mass incarceration coupled with economic downturns, has led to the emergence of an extremely profitable private prison industry. The prominence of this industry raises questions of legitimacy as well as questions of the interests that are being represented through apparent legislative manipulation via a powerful lobby. As with past eras of punishment, this current era that is characterized by policies of mass incarceration will presumably end in the future as the economic, political and social sensibilities shift. This project concludes with an analysis of possible strategies of reform and decarceration that may characterize the future of the punishment system in the United States.

This study weighs the connection of environmental crisis with race and gender in different cases of environmental crisis and conflicts. The study documents how Indigenous cosmologies and cosmopolitics, and scientific arguments converge in unexpected alliances in the advent of environmental crises. This research focuses on specific instances, or situations related to environmental justice movements addressing the environmental crisis in Mexico (and its convergences to other similar cases). I examine and present a discussion of the research methodologies and methods used to study the ‘environment’ as well as indigenous cosmologies and cosmopolitics. With this, I embark on a research that includes feminist decolonial theory, eco-feminism and material feminisms into a larger project for autonomy and decoloniality.

In particular, I discuss one of the concepts that have caught the attention of those studying race and ethnicity in the Americas: mestizaje as an ordinal principle in the context of Mexico. Also, I discuss the inscriptions of the mestiza body in relation to the materiality of race and gender in the context of Latin America. It is shown how the discourse of mestizaje is tangled with the idea of a modern civilization, such as in the Mexican state. Overall, this research analyzes different responses to environmental crises; from environmental activists, community organizers to plastic artists and scientific experts. Also, it includes a literary analysis of contemporary indigenous literatures to show how state sponsored violence and settler colonialism have an incidence in gender violence by placing the female body close to nature.

As global environmental problems have risen, this research contributes to the understanding of the underlying factors in environmental crises and conflict that have been overlooked. Herein lies an important possibility to reach a broader audience in different disciplines, ranging from indigenous studies to the global politics of human rights. Furthermore, this research aims to contribute to the work of environmental activists, scholars and scientists with regard to the understanding of how different arguments are used in research and advocacy work, and how they can integrate an interdisciplinary and intercultural approach when addressing environmental justice cases.