There is a long, ongoing search for the best way to measure and promote creativity. In this study, participant’s self-reported interdependence with elicited members of their social life (Same-Sex Best Friend, Same-Sex Acquaintance, Sibling (or Relative), and Enemy) were collected alongside their performance on several iterations of J.P. Guilford’s Alternative Uses Task. It was predicted that higher scores obtained on the fitness interdependence scale would predict higher scores on the creativity tasks, and lower scores on the former would also predict lower scores on the latter. Ultimately, the results did not support our hypothesis that creative efficiency is predicted by an individual’s self-reported interdependence with members of their social circle. Although higher scores on the Same-Sex Best Friend Interdependence, Sibling (Relative) Interdependence, Acquaintance Interdependence, and Enemy Interdependence categories were found to significantly predict a higher number of alternative uses submitted in a creativity task, the fact that these four subcategories predicted the Total Volume score and not the Total Originality score shows that a better design, and more robust methods, must be used to investigate the relationship between interdependence and creative outcomes.

Individuals differ in the extent to which they feel connected to their future selves, which predicts time preference (i.e., preference for immediate versus delayed utility), financial decision-making, delinquency, and academic performance. Future self-connectedness may also predict how individuals compare themselves with their past selves, future selves, and other people. Greater connectedness may lead to more self-affirming types of temporal self-comparison, less self-deflating types of temporal self-comparison, and less social comparison. Two studies examined the relation between future self-connectedness and comparison processes, as well as effects on emotion, psychological adjustment, and motivation. In the first study, as expected, future self-connectedness positively predicted self-affirming temporal self-comparison and negatively predicted self-deflating temporal self-comparison and social comparison. In addition, future self-connectedness had beneficial direct and indirect effects on adjustment, emotion regulation, and motivation. Unlike previous research, this study examined all three components of future self-connectedness, as opposed to only one. Exploratory analyses examined the items comprising the similarity-connectedness component and found that the relation of these items to the other variables in the model did not differ, though some of the relations in the model were moderated by college generation status. The second study tested whether increasing future self-connectedness would have similar effects on comparison, adjustment, emotion, and motivation. It implemented a pilot future self-connectedness manipulation, an established identity-stability manipulation, and a control condition. The pilot manipulation and identity-stability manipulation failed to affect future self-connectedness relative to control, and did not affect comparison, motivation, adjustment, or emotion. Future research should ascertain whether there is a causal link between connectedness and social comparison or temporal self-comparison processes. Overall, this research links future self-connectedness to social comparison and temporal self-comparison processes, as well as well-being, emotion, and motivation, which demonstrates the importance of connectedness in new, important areas.

Friendships make us happy, keep us healthy, and can even facilitate our reproductive fitness. But most friendships are not forever—even when we want them to be. How do people maintain valued friendships? I propose that “friendship jealousy” arises when people perceive others as posing threats to valued friendships, and that this response can function to prevent friendship loss and friend defection. In preliminary experiments, I tested predictions derived from this functional view. As predicted, I found, first, that friendship jealousy is calibrated to friend value. Second, friendship jealousy predicts intentions to “friend guard” (i.e., engage in behavior to protect the friendship). Third, friendship jealousy has sex-differentiated features, which are consistent with sex differences in friendship structures and ancestral friendship functions. The present work pits against one another intuitive and functional predictions as to what drives friendship jealousy. Although intuition might lead one to expect greater jealousy when a friend spends more time with a new person, a functional view suggests greater jealousy when that new person threatens to fulfill the same function for one’s friend that one is currently fulfilling (i.e., to “replace” him/her). Preliminary studies revealed that greater friendship jealousy is evoked when friends form new same-sex friendships (which presumably pose greater replacement threat, but lesser time threat) versus new romantic relationships (which presumably pose lesser replacement threat, but greater time threat). The focal experiment explicitly and experimentally manipulates a version of “replacement threat” (whether the best friend “chooses” the new friend over you) and “time threat” (how much time the best friend spends with the new friend). In line with functional predictions, the amount of time the best friend spends with a new friend drives friendship jealousy—but only when direct information about replacement threat is unavailable. Regardless of the time threat posed, participants report high friendship jealousy when replacement threat is high, and low friendship jealousy when replacement threat is low. Results imply that friendship jealousy is calibrated to replacement threat (over time threat). Overall, findings suggest that friendship jealousy might be a functional response aimed at facilitating friendship maintenance.

Gift-giving economies are economic models that freely give resources rather than barter for them or purchase them from market. Need-based transfers fit into this economic model by freely giving resources on the basis of need, provided the giver can spare the resources. The Maasai are an East African pastoral tribe that practices need-based transfers through a tradition they call osotua. If they have a partner with an established osotua relationship, then they will give any amount of cattle that partner request, provided they can spare the cattle. Cheating each other is unheard of in this tradition, but for this simulation I am introducing cheating into this economic model through feigning need. If a cheater is not in need, they will act like they are in need. If they are in need, then the cheater will request more cattle than what they need to survive. I am testing two different responses to cheating: walking-away and punishing. In the walk-away condition, the victim ends their osotua partnership and establishes a new one. In the punishment condition, a portion of the cheater's stolen cattle is destroyed.

Humans help each other in times of need even when their acts are likely to go unreciprocated. This study examines altruism resulting from feelings of interdependence, and predicts that greater feelings of interdependence will result in greater willingness to help. Participants were split into four hypothetical situations (terrorism, drunk car crash, sober car crash, control) in which they were able to help. After assessing the subject-target interdependence and the neediness and blameworthiness of the targets in these various situations, participants rated their willingness to help. While results generally followed predictions, the effects were not large enough to be statistically significant. Participants willingness to give specific forms of help only differed significantly between the terrorism and sober car crash condition, however interdependence was a significant predictor of both general and specific forms of help across all conditions.