Description
ABSTRACT
Because economic advancement has been defined by Western society and not by Indigenous peoples themselves, the material gains of such narrowly defined notions of advancement have long been an elusive dream for many Indigenous communities in the United States. Many reasons have been given as to why significant economic advancement through a Western materialistic lens has been unattainable, including remoteness, the inability to get financing on trust land, and access to markets. These are all valid concerns and challenges, but they are not insurmountable. Another disconcerting reason has been the perception that the federal government through its trust responsibility is to do everything for the tribes, including economic advancement, job creation and economic diversification. Despite the problematic nature of this lens, this work is concerned with both how Indigenous--and particularly southwestern tribal, Pueblo Indian nations--interpret and participate in the drive to achieve measures of prosperity for their communities. Granted, the U.S. government does have a trust responsibility to assist tribes, however, that does not mean tribes are relieved of their obligation to do their part as well. Here, I provide an observation of the notion of government responsibility towards tribes and ultimately suggest that there is a strong and devastating addiction that hinders Indigenous communities and impacts economic advancement. This addiction is not alcoholism, drugs, or domestic violence. Instead, this is an addiction to federal funds and programs, which has diminished Indigenous inspiration to do for self, the motivation to be innovative, and has blurred responsibility of what it means to contribute. I will also include the need to utilize data to develop new economic policies and strategies. Last, I will include a policy suggestion that will be aimed at operationalizing the trust reform and data concepts. While discussing these challenges, my focus is to moreover offer a suggestion of how to strategize through them. Drawing from Pueblo Indian examples, the argument becomes clear that other Indigenous citizens across the lower forty-eight have an opportunity to break the prescribed mold in order to advance their economies and on their terms.
Because economic advancement has been defined by Western society and not by Indigenous peoples themselves, the material gains of such narrowly defined notions of advancement have long been an elusive dream for many Indigenous communities in the United States. Many reasons have been given as to why significant economic advancement through a Western materialistic lens has been unattainable, including remoteness, the inability to get financing on trust land, and access to markets. These are all valid concerns and challenges, but they are not insurmountable. Another disconcerting reason has been the perception that the federal government through its trust responsibility is to do everything for the tribes, including economic advancement, job creation and economic diversification. Despite the problematic nature of this lens, this work is concerned with both how Indigenous--and particularly southwestern tribal, Pueblo Indian nations--interpret and participate in the drive to achieve measures of prosperity for their communities. Granted, the U.S. government does have a trust responsibility to assist tribes, however, that does not mean tribes are relieved of their obligation to do their part as well. Here, I provide an observation of the notion of government responsibility towards tribes and ultimately suggest that there is a strong and devastating addiction that hinders Indigenous communities and impacts economic advancement. This addiction is not alcoholism, drugs, or domestic violence. Instead, this is an addiction to federal funds and programs, which has diminished Indigenous inspiration to do for self, the motivation to be innovative, and has blurred responsibility of what it means to contribute. I will also include the need to utilize data to develop new economic policies and strategies. Last, I will include a policy suggestion that will be aimed at operationalizing the trust reform and data concepts. While discussing these challenges, my focus is to moreover offer a suggestion of how to strategize through them. Drawing from Pueblo Indian examples, the argument becomes clear that other Indigenous citizens across the lower forty-eight have an opportunity to break the prescribed mold in order to advance their economies and on their terms.
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Details
Title
- White man's moccasins, we have their shoes, they have our land: the footprints left by the U.S. trust doctrine on Pueblo Indian peoples and a suggestion for transformation through an economic lens
- Footprints left by the U.S. trust doctrine on Pueblo Indian peoples and a suggestion for transformation through an economic lens
Contributors
- Luarkie, Richard (Author)
- Brayboy, Bryan (Thesis advisor)
- Sumida Huaman, Elizabeth (Thesis advisor)
- Martin, Nathan (Committee member)
- Arizona State University (Publisher)
Date Created
The date the item was original created (prior to any relationship with the ASU Digital Repositories.)
2015
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Resource Type
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Note
- thesisPartial requirement for: Ph.D., Arizona State University, 2015
- bibliographyIncludes bibliographical references (pages 68-70)
- Field of study: Justice Studies
Citation and reuse
Statement of Responsibility
Richard Luarkie