This thesis examines the problems that occur when the politics and practices of social services, specifically maternal and prenatal care, are guided by a distorted understanding of immigration. It compares the politics and practice of this care across two international borders: the U.S.-Mexico and that within Hispaniola. In an ideal world, care would be extended to all individuals regardless of citizenship. However, since every welfare state has its limits at the national border, citizenship matters to both federal governments and medical professionals. Government-provided resources play an integral role in the current immigration debate, as these programs are a collective investment in which all individuals contribute in order to sustain it. The United States developed the welfare state in order to provide necessary resources to those who could not afford it. Its creators did not view these services as a handout, rather as a support for the future workforce of the country. However, health care was and still is not provided on this model of economic and social citizenship. Current U.S. healthcare policy dictates that no one can be turned away in an emergency situation because someone cannot pay their medical bill, including undocumented immigrants. But for immigrant mothers carrying children across the border, maternal and prenatal care does not qualify as an emergency and the federal government aid typically does not extend to them them as citizens. When care is extended to undocumented immigrants in the United States at all, it typically is provided to the child through Medicaid, who is by dint of the Fourteenth Amendment considered a citizen after birth. The relation between the Dominican Republic and Haiti offers a more complex situation, as the idea of birthright citizenship has recently been revoked. Following the Haitian Earthquake in 2010, the only healthcare to which many Haitians had access was across the Hispaniola border. Haitian women who give birth to children in the Dominican Republic are often not evaluated by a doctor until they are entering the delivery process, and even then health-care is complicated by or denied because of racial prejudice and unclear legal situation. In September of 2013, the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic issues a new ruling which declared that any immigrant born between 1929 and 2010 without documentation of their own or of their ancestors does not have citizenship, rendering many Haitians born in the Dominican Republic essentially stateless. To be born to a non-citizen mother typically means the child will likely be born with little or no prenatal care, and the mother will receive poor or inadequate care. Prenatal care is one of the most inexpensive elements of a care-model that carries huge returns relative to its costs. All governments would benefit from improved access to maternal and prenatal care because its future citizens who receive such care would be born healthier and have fewer expensive chronic illnesses. Fewer chronic illness among a population would have huge returns on the welfare state because fewer people would be utilizing it for expensive medical treatments. Though most medical professionals condemn the extreme act of denying care to pregnant women or infants (documented or not), the Dominican Republic and the United States have a popular politics that embraces this cruelty, despite the fact that both pride themselves on a multi-ethnic population. It is easy for policymakers to incriminate undocumented immigrants and claim that they are responsible for an illegitimate share of the consumption of the country's resources. Therefore, it seems likely that the host country's perceptions of immigrant natality and maternity help construct a negative image of the immigration "problem" in such a way that laws and policies are designed without accurate rationale. This thesis examines how the United States and the Dominican Republic might improve the relationship between the culture of healthcare and the role of the legal system for immigrants and their children. It seeks to understand the reasons, motivations, and consequences for denying immigrants services on the account of their citizenship status. The social, economic, and health consequences of being an undocumented citizen will be examined. Current legal policy and what political roadblocks and cultural prejudices must be overcome in order to implement a successful policy will be reviewed. Finally, the best practices prenatal care as a national investment will be discussed, as will the problem of cross-cultural perception of natality, maternity, and immigration.

Mothers have a unique experience of domestic violence and help-seeking because of their dual identity as mothers and survivors. Based on a qualitative analysis of 7 interviews I conducted with mothers in shelter, I explore how survivors understand themselves as mothers, their partners as fathers, and the role of substance abuse in their relationships. My research suggests improved policies for service providers, including allowing mothers to maintain custody of their kids while in rehab.

This thesis uses a white paper to outline a plan that Arizona State University (ASU) can implement to better fight sexual assault in the ASU community. This plan focuses on education, training, and reporting tools for both faculty and students to better prevent and respond to sexual assault. This thesis includes a presentation that is to be used in ASU freshman seminar classes for an in person peer to peer educational experience to assure that the majority of the ASU population is educated on ideas about consent and bystander intervention.

Sexual assault is a very serious social issue, one that has recently had a resurgence of interest within the context of college campuses. Studies have shown that the prevalence rates of woman abuse in university and college dating are alarmingly high. Historically, fraternity and sorority members have had a reputation for maintaining what has become known as "rape culture" by creating environments in which underage, binge or competitive drinking and unhealthy interactions and inequality between men and women are the norm. Research suggests this combination contributes to the number of known-assailant sexual assaults on or associated with campus life. The main objective of this project is to identify effective ways to foster an anti-sexual violence and pro-sexual wellness culture within ASU's Greek community by observing and analyzing student interactions with and opinions on these issues. This study aims to examine the attitudes of university students toward sexual assault, to learn how students navigate a culture in which sexual assault exists (the ways they respond to, seek to prevent, and learn about sexual assault). Additionally, this study examines student awareness, accessibility, effectiveness, and reach of current sexual violence prevention initiatives on ASU's campus. After conducting interviews with Greek students and performing direct observation during sexual wellness related events, the researchers of this project have determined that ASU has created an environment in which the student population is sufficiently aware of the sexual assault on campus and definitions of campus, but they are not familiar with nor do they often utilize or suggest that their friends utilize the many resources ASU and the Tempe community provide related to sexual health. Students tend to feel that sexual health programming is informative, but not personally relevant to or engaging to them. Feedback would suggest that the bystander intervention curriculum currently being developed in the ASU Fraternity and Sorority Life office would better address student need for relevant, engaging, and culturally-targeted sexual-health programming.

Social support for Mexican-origin adolescent mothers can benefit mental health. Currently, there is little research on specific dimensions of social support and how they change during the beginning years of parenthood, and even less focusing on the influence each dimension has on adolescent mothers' mental health. This study sought to fill such gaps through the analysis of data from the Supporting MAMI Project at Arizona State University. First, the current study assessed perceptions of emotional, instrumental, and companionship support received from mother figures by Mexican-origin adolescent mothers (N = 204; Mean age at Wave 1 = 16.24, SD = .99) across five years through descriptive statistics and univariate latent growth models. Second, the study assessed the strength of the impact that each dimension of social support had on mental health across six years via conditional growth models. Findings indicated that each dimension of social support shifted in a bi-linear spline shape from Wave 1 to Wave 6, with growth parameters' significance varying for each dimension of support. Each dimension of support was significantly related to depressive symptoms at Wave 6, with varying degrees of influence across growth parameters. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.

This dissertation shares findings from a qualitative case study of Latina adolescent girls (ninth and 10th graders) and their mothers and fathers participating in Somos Escritores/We Are Writers. Somos Escritores was a five-week bilingual writing workshop for Latina adolescent girls and their mothers and fathers that invited them to write, draw, and share stories from their lived realities on a variety of topics relevant to their lives. The stories, voices, experiences, and ways of knowing of the Latina adolescent girls, mothers, and fathers who allowed me a window into their lives are at the center of this study.

This study explored the ways a safe space was coconstructed for the sharing of stories and voices and what was learned from families through their writing about who they are, what matters to them, and what they envision for their futures. To understand Somos Escritores, and the Latina adolescent girls, mothers, and fathers who participated in this space and the stories that are shared, I weave together multiple perspectives. These perspectives include Chicana feminist epistemology (Delgado Bernal, 1998), third space (Gutiérrez, 2008), Nepantla (Anzaldúa, 1997) and sociocultural theories of writing (Goncu & Gauvain, 2012; Prior, 2006). Data were drawn from the following sources: (a) postworkshop survey, (b) audio recording and transcription of workshops, (c) interviews, (d) workshop artifacts, and (e) field notes. They were analyzed using narrative methods. I found that Latina adolescent girls and their mothers and fathers are “Fighting to be Heard,” through the naming and claiming of their realities, creating positive self-definitions, writing and sharing silenced stories, the stories of socially conscious girls and of parents raising chicas fuertes [strong girls]. In addition, Somos Escritores families and facilitators coconstructed a third space through intentional practices and activities. This study has several implications for teachers and teacher educators. Specifically, I suggest creating safe space in literacy classroom for authentic sharing of stories, building a curriculum that is relevant to the lived realities of youth and that allows them to explore social injustices and inequities, and building relationships with families in the coconstruction of family involvement opportunities.

ABSTRACT

For almost a decade now, the Greek economic crisis has crippled the Greek nation and its citizenry. High unemployment rates as well as increased levels of homelessness and suicide are only some of the social repercussions of the collapse of the economic system. While we know much about the impact of this crisis on Greek citizens, the literature surrounding the crisis lacks a full range of perspectives and experiences. This project works to fill-in the gaps surrounding the Greek economic crisis and the specific experiences of undocumented, immigrant, domestic workers. Looking at the ways in which these women exist in a constant state of violence, fear, and suffering I identify normalized violence in two main arenas: state/institutional and quotidian/everyday acts. Borrowing from Cecilia Menijvar’s pillars of normalized violence (2011), this work identifies the ways in which state-sponsored bureaucratic violence leads to real suffering and fear exemplified in moments of quotidian violence. Understanding the unique experiences of these women, works to weave together a more nuanced understanding of the impacts of the Greek economic crisis. Along with these moments of violence, this ethnographic inspired project highlights modes of survival, resistance, and resilience employed by these women in response to their violent circumstances.

The requirements for a gender dysphoria diagnosis, and therefore access to medical interventions such as surgeries or hormones, reinforce a male/female binary and do not allow room for variability in how a transgender person identifies. Transgender individuals who wish to access medical interventions must reflect these regulatory requirements in order to receive a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. So what is the experience of transgender individuals who do not reflect this narrative? How do they develop identity, form community, and make decisions regarding their transition? Using feminist methodology and grounded theory methods, I conducted a research study with ten transgender-identified individuals from Phoenix, Arizona in order to address these questions. In interviews with these participants, I found that perceptions of others, normativity, and horizontal transphobia all affected how participants identity and decision-making. Further, I also found that these themes contributed to creating transgender authenticity, or the false sense that there is only one way to be truly transgender.